ugly sisters

Three of them:

Forza Italia's politicians range from ex-Communists to ex-Christian Democrats, and while its policies are generally center-right, its platform carries a string of caveats (''a liberal party although not an elitist one...a Catholic party although not a confessional one"). Berlusconi, the richest man in Italy, is a media magnate who owns three national television channels. The party is intensely top-down, with little input from membership; its control over the country's media has been the mainstay of its success, drawing criticism from organizations like Reporters Without Borders.

The ''New" Labor Party under Tony Blair also fits the model, if somewhat differently. ''Blair, ironically, won three elections while Labor's membership went into free fall, and its ideology became indistinguishable from the Conservative Party," McCargo says. Under Blair, New Labor jettisoned its socialist heritage in favor of a ''Third Way." Pollster Philip Gould and communications specialist Alastair Campbell became influential figures, bypassing the party's fractious membership to develop platforms with broader public appeal, and keeping the leadership relentlessly ''on message."

Thaksin's approach has combined New Labor's professional media management with Berlusconi's direct ownership of media outlets. His initial run for the premiership, in 2000, employed a public relations offensive drawn up by media entrepreneur Sondhi Limthongkul's Manager Media group. Thaksin brilliantly combined his nonideological, pro-business CEO image with nationalist resentment of the International Monetary Fund and with populist programs for the rural poor, including debt forgiveness, village development grants, and a national health insurance plan costing just 30 baht (75 cents) per year.

Steinglass, the author of the piece, calls this “populist neoliberalism.” A lot of it seems to hark back to old fashioned developmental dictatorships – South Korea or Indonesia in the 1970’s for instance - with lots of emphasis on community and “working together” and a generalised impatience with political liberty as something which stood in the way of the leader’s goals: note that the Abolition of Parliament Act is supposed to “reduce red tape”. With Blair and Berlusconi, there’s also a reflexive dependence on a larger, sponsoring power and in this light the UK’s involvement in Iraq would be analogous to that of South Korea and the Philippines in Vietnam. What’s new here is the sophisticated electoral mechanics and incestuous media relationships. It’s odd to think of Cherie and Tony as a kind of feeble and less extravagant version of Ferdinand and Imelda, but it does fit. I can just see him looking sweaty and pensive in the back seat of a limo on its way to the airport, shredding documents and signing pardons behind tinted windows.

Comments

[Charlie Whitaker]

But what should we do about it? Very large scale public protest? Civil disobedience? What works?

[Alex]

4th Generation Warfare, it seems. *dragged from keyboard by MI5*

More seriously, I suppose a six-figure crowd camping in Parliament Square might help. I'm rather pleased to see that someone else has noticed that Shinawatra and Berlusconi are sisters under the skin.

No-one else seems to be taking up my theory that Berlusconi won't go if he loses..

[Jarndyce]

Steinglass, the author of the piece, calls this “populist neoliberalism.”

But I'm not sure in what sense you could call Berlusconi a "neoliberal". Not in the economic sense: he doesn't do very much at all, certainly isn't on some crusade to bring the Washington Consensus to every nook and cranny of the Italian economy/polity. All he appears to do with any gusto is work out ways of garnering and holding even more power. He's a caudillo if anything.

[Robert Jubb]

But I'm not sure in what sense you could call Berlusconi a "neoliberal".

His coalition list is called the House of Liberties, and I understand he periddically makes noises about removing regulation or some such pious neoliberal observance. Perhaps a better indication of his character though, and more in line with the 'cling to power so as to avoid being charged with corruption' line, is that he recently decided to resurrect the recurrent 'communists eat babies' trope, but unfortunately created something of an international incident by accusing the Chinese in particular.

[jamie]

It's probably worth pointing out that a hell of a lot of neoliberals seem come into power lauded by the Economist and collapse into corruption and demagoguery in short order. Collo de Mellor in Brazil and Tancu Ciller in Turkey spring to mind. You could call it the "curse of The Economist."

[Alex]

I don't think that applies to Berlusconi. The Economist is one of his many betes noires..

Regarding the commies-eat-babies thing, I think I was wrong to call him a danger to Italian democracy. If he keeps this up soon he'll only be a danger to himself.