The police find that she had “committed suicide.” The girls’s uncle, a teacher at a local high school protests to the police. He is beaten to death.
A group of students go to the police station to protest. After the cops attack them, they are joined by locals who lay siege to the police station. Eventually, a group estimated at around 10,000 assembles, torches the local Communist Party offices and the county government hq and is prevented from making a barbeque of the cops by the arrival of 1500 paramilitary police. Here’s the crowd in action.
If this was Zimbabwe, people would be thinking that Mugabe’s time had come. I read this and thought, ‘well things are back to normal in China.’
Hassan Butt attended my son’s school here in North Manchester. I first heard of him after he left, in the days when he was planning to run a caliphate from the bedroom of his parents’ home up in Prestwich. He used to come and preach jihad in the playground at Abraham Moss, a process which would inevitably end with the would be Emir of Crumpsallstan being chased round the playing fields by teachers and security guards before making a tactical retreat in the direction of Hazelbottom road.
So he never got much traction here in Manchester, and it wasn’t until he changed his line of bullshit that he really found his market. Now it looks like the saga has finally ended:
I've never met anyone from al-Qaida or anyone who claimed to be from al-Qaida in my entire life ... I actually arranged for myself to be stabbed in the shoulder, sorry, in my arm and in my back because I knew if I said I had been attacked Shiv was going to ask for some proof so basically I stabbed myself ... you know, it was just part of the whole scam.
Incidentally, I see that Nick Cohen is pursuing some obscure grudge against Jon Snow. It couldn’t be something to do with Channel 4 News outing our friend the peacemaker, could it?
Why Martin Jacques isn’t just a hack but actively pernicious. But first:
The message - which worried China scholars around the world - was clear. There are topics China will not tolerate discussion on and the government is prepared to do whatever it takes to keep a lid on them.
Foreign scholars are finding the China field an increasingly dangerous territory to navigate, and some readily admit to avoiding certain topics and to tweaking their research. And the situation is getting worse as China grows more economically and politically powerful.
One of the authors of the banned book - titled Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland - who declined to use his name, said Beijing is stepping up efforts to control how China is perceived internationally. "We're in a period where China's influence is expanding and they're seeking ways to control the message outside of China just as they do inside China."
Edward Friedman, a professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin, said the effects are multiple: "People who do research in the country want continuing access. There is a tendency not to do anything that will threaten your ability to get access."
The problem is that it is not always clear where the invisible line is drawn.
via. In this article, Jacques pushes the invisible line quite far by bootlegging the Chinese government’s specific description of the Tibetan uprising (as “rioting” full stop, without qualifiers) into a supposedly objective piece of analysis about overseas Chinese communities and their support for the PRC. Anyone who sees that in Beijing is going to think: if he uses our keywords and talking points why can’t the others do the same? What can we do to make them?
There’s been a huge amount of China scholarship over the past twenty years or so, and part of its cumulative effect has been to gradually wear down the old CPC conviction that those not with us are therefore against China, and to get Beijing towards acceptance of the notion that give and take is what China should naturally expect when it opens up.
This in turn is partly because Beijing has always been surprisingly “underlobbied” in terms of systematic message presentation: so long as the trade and investment that underpinned China’s economic rise went ahead without interference, everything else could look after itself. A certain level of critical scholarship goes with the territory.
Or rather it did go. It was to be expected that China’s economic muscle would inspire it into making a more systematic attempt at wider international influence. It’s at this point that Beijing begins to look around and see what it can get away with, what standards it can reliably enforce. And it’s at this point that you have Martin Jacques reproducing their talking points and generally reassuring them that they can get away with quite a lot.
During the Germany-Turkey game, Motty made a vague mention of “someone on the pitch” but left it at that. The cameras kept well away from whoever it was. It turns out he was a Tibet independence protestor. Honestly, that’s so two months ago.
Almost contemporaneously, a 1300-kilometer, ninety day march through India to the Tibetan border organized by the Tibetan People's Uprising Movement (hereinafter TPUM) fizzled to a miserable conclusion as its last few dozen members were arrested as they tried to peacefully shoulder their way past a blockade of 200 Indian police in the remote border town of Dharchula. The marchers were released—and subsequently dispersed--amid international indifference.
Old causes never die: they just fade away into media limbo.