Han Dongfang has a column in CIF calling for international unions to work with the ACFTU now that it has a kinda-sorta mandate for collective bargaining. You can read about his background here. He is, among other things, the original MGI guy.
Then we began to cover demonstrations and strikes, not after the fact, but as current news stories. I would produce a report including interviews with workers, government officials, trade unions, management and so on. For example, in 1998 there were a number of disputes over back pay, and the treatment of retired and off-post workers. There were protests in the street, and I would receive a call from a public phone in front of a government building, telling me there were five hundred people there. So I would phone back, and interview people at the other end of the line, asking them about their problems and their lives. It was extraordinary—like having a reporter on the scene, recording the news live. Then I would call local government officials, and ask what they were going to do, and why the situation was getting worse and worse. And I would ask the trade union officials what they were doing for the workers—and they would reply that they were trying to calm them down and send them home, because workers didn’t understand the difficulties that management and government faced, and so on.
Were the calls you were getting coming from any regions in particular—for example, were they mainly concentrated along the coast?
No, they came from everywhere—even Tibet and Xinjiang. The distribution of the calls has depended more on the period than on the region, in particular on the timing of the reforms of state enterprises in any given part of the country. Around 1998–99 there were a lot of off-post protests in Heilongjiang, Gansu and Guizhou, for example, and stoppages of trains in the coalmine areas of Sichuan.
This was during the huge wave of layoffs in the state sector in the late nineties when Han’s Labour Express show was pretty much the only outlet reporting consistently on the subject. Inasmuch as these were reported at all by Western media they were regarded as a good thing, and proof that China was reforming. This is why I’m generally sceptical about reports of MGIs as a threat to government control now. These perceptions tend to be as much of a product of what the current story about China happens to be as an assessment of the actual situation.
As to the issue at hand, I doubt the AFCTU would ever become independent of the Party this side of a wider successful political uprising. But there is a possibility that labout influence could become a factor in policymaking and the chance of establishing better treatment of labour as a norm in Chinese industry. And against the day when wider political change might come, it’s important to establish the labour interest as a factor that needs to be accommodated because there's no guarantee that it will be otherwise. I note that trade unions are still illegal in Iraq under Saddam-era labour laws, for instance, though I'm sure Labour Friends of Iraq are working on that.
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